Den Rosenkranz betete er so häufig für die Bekehrung der Einwohner Futunas, dass die Einheimischen sich ihn auch lange nach seinem Tod nur mit dem Rosenkranz vorstellen konnten, den er bei seinen Missionsgängen auf der Insel stets in der Hand trug.
Den Rosenkranz betete er so häufig für die Bekehrung der Einwohner Futunas, dass die Einheimischen sich ihn auch lange nach seinem Tod nur mit dem Rosenkranz vorstellen konnten, den er bei seinen Missionsgängen auf der Insel stets in der Hand trug.
Der folgende Rat, den der ehrwürdige Gründer der Gesellschaft
Mariens, Pater Jean-Claude Colin, seinen ersten Missionären in Ozeanien gab,
ist zeitlos. Das Gebet wird immer eine Grundvoraussetzung für erfolgreiche
Missionsarbeit sein.
„Seid Männer des Gebetes und der Betrachtung! Seelen bekehren ist mehr als Tote
auferwecken, beides lässt sich nur durch Gebet zu Stande bringen. Betet daher unausgesetzt um die Bekehrung Eurer Ungläubigen, opfert zu
diesem Ende Gott Eure täglichen Verrichtungen auf; an einem beliebigen Tage der
Woche aber opfert zu demselben Zwecke und für Eure besondere Bedürfnisse alle
guten Werke auf, die in jedem Teil der Gesellschaft verrichtet werden. Diese Übung
wird Euch viele Gnaden erlangen!“
(Aus: Leben des seligen Peter Alois Maria Chanel, Priesters
der Gesellschaft Mariä und ersten Martyrers Oceaniens, aus dem Französischen
des P. Claudius Nicolet aus derselben Gesellschaft, von P. Carl Dilgskron
C.SS.R. Mit kirchlicher Approbation)
Zum Marienmonat hier eine Linkliste der Kapitel meines Buchprojekts „Es werden mich selig preisen alle Geschlechter“ über die Bedeutung der Mutter Gottes für die Missionen. Möglicherweise folgen im Laufe der Zeit noch weitere Artikel.
Kapitel 1: Maria, Königin der Missionen
Nationalheiligtum und Basilika Unserer Lieben Frau von Sheshan (China)
Unsere Liebe Frau von China in Donglü
Unsere Liebe Frau von Madhu (Sri Lanka)
Unsere Liebe Frau von Afrika (Algerien)
Der Muttergottesbaum in Matarieh (Ägypten)
Unsere Liebe Frau von La Vang (Vietnam)
Die Maiandacht in den Missionen
Kleinere Marienheiligtümer in den Missionsländern
Die Oblaten der unbefleckten Jungfrau Maria
Die Franziskanerinnen Missionarinnen Mariens
Missionsgesellschaft vom Heiligen Geist unter dem Schutz des Unbefleckten Herzens Mariens
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Unsere Liebe Frau vom heiligen Rosenkranz, La Naval de Manila (Historia Universalis) |
„Diese heilige Waffe [der Rosenkranz] nun wird auch die
Ausbreitung des wahren Glaubens und den Sieg des heiligen Evangeliums in den
Heidenländern mächtig fördern können, wenn wir ihn fleißig gebrauchen. Die
Königin des heiligen Rosenkranzes wird sich auch hier als Siegerin über die
alte Schlange, den Fürsten der Finsternis, erweisen, wenn wir sie durch
beharrliches Flehen zu unserer Anführerin im heiligen Missionskreuzzuge
erwählen.“
(Quelle: https://ccposters.com/)
Die Bekehrung eines Heiden ist wirklich eine Auferstehung
von den Toten, eine Wirkung und ein Nachbild der Auferstehung Christi aus
dunkler Grabesnacht. Das Heidentum ist ein Riesengrab, worin viele Millionen
unsterblicher Seelen vom Tode der Sünde in tiefster Finsternis festgehalten
werden. Der Tag der heiligen Taufe ist für diese geistig Toten der glückliche
Ostermorgen, in dem sie ihre Auferstehung zu
einem neuen Leben in Christus für Gott und für den Himmel feiern. Das
katholische Missionswerk führt jährlich mehrere hunderttausend Heiden aus der
Grabesnacht der Sünde zu dieser herrlichen Auferstehung von den Toten.
P. Hermann Fischer S.V.D. in „Beispielsammlung aus der
Heidenmission für den christlichen Unterricht“
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(Quelle: Chinese Christian Posters) |
„Das Beispiel Jesu Christi am Kreuze hat durch alle Jahrhunderte die edelsten Männer [und Frauen] gedrängt, wie ihr Heiland sich ganz der Seelenrettung zu weihen, dafür zu leben und zu sterben. Schon die Apostel, die ersten Missionare, haben dieses Beispiel nachgeahmt; sie wurden Opfer der seelenrettenden Liebe. ‚Der gute Hirt gibt sein Leben für seine Schafe‘, so hat Jesus gesprochen und getan; so haben viele seiner Nachfolger zu allen Zeiten es ihm nachgemacht. Bis in unsere Zeit hinein haben viele Missionare ihr Leben im blutigen Martyrium für den Heiland und die von ihm erlösten Seelen dahingegeben; sie haben ein Erlöserleben geführt und Erlöserleiden erduldet. Den Mut und die Kraft dazu haben sie bei ihrem gekreuzigten Vorbild gefunden.“
P. Hermann Fischer S.V.D. in „Beispielsammlung aus der
Heidenmission für den christlichen Unterricht“
Die Pflicht der Ausbreitung des wahren Glaubens unter allen Völkern der Erde bleibt unter allen Umständen und in ganzer Strenge für die Christenheit bestehen, auch wenn Gott auf außergewöhnlichem, uns verborgenem Wege sehr viele Heiden zu seiner Erkenntnis und zum ewigen Heile führt. Es ist Gottes Gebot, das uns zum Missionsdienst verpflichtet, und die mündliche Verkündigung des wahren Glaubens ist und bleibt stets der normale Heilsweg.
Wenn aber auch viele Heiden ohne äußeren Anschluss an das
Reich Jesu Christi gerettet werden, so bleibt es doch durch alle Ewigkeit ein
großer Verlust, dass sie nicht zeitlebens im wahren Glauben und mit seinen
reichen Gnadenmitteln für den Himmel gewirkt haben. Wieviel größer wäre ihre Seligkeit
geworden, und so manche guten Werke zur Ehre Gottes sind ungeschehen geblieben.
Es muss uns also stets eine Herzenssache sein, das heilige
Missionswerk zur Ausbreitung des wahren Glaubens nach Kräften zu fördern.
P. Hermann Fischer S.V.D. in „Beispielsammlung aus der
Heidenmission für den christlichen Unterricht“
Aus seiner Zeit im Trappistenkloster im syrischen Akbes, wo er auch die Christenverfolgungen durch Türken und Kurden aus nächster Nähe erleben musste, stammt dieser Satz des heiligen Charles de Foucauld, der sein missionarisches Herz offenbart:
„Man kann nicht unter diesen unglücklichen Moslems, Schismatikern und Häretikern leben, ohne nach dem Tag zu seufzen, an dem sie das Licht sehen.“
(Quelle: Association Clarifier)
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Internuncio Riberi with the queen and king of the Paiwan people. The monarchs received holy baptism from the Internuncio along with a number of the members of their tribe in the mid-1950s. |
(Read Part I here and Part II here)
The fall of
Beijing to the Communists in 1949 and the subsequent persecution of the Church
in China not only caused thousands of Catholic laypeople to leave the mainland
for Taiwan, but also brought a large number of native Chinese secular priests
as well as missionaries, both Chinese and foreign, from a great number of
religious orders to the island, such as the Jesuits, the Society of the Divine
Word, Dominicans of the Teutonia Province, the native Chinese congregation of
the Disciples of the Lord (Discipuli Domini), the native Sisters of the Oblates
of the Holy Family, the Vincentians, the Camillians, and the Swiss Missionary
Society of Bethlehem.
In the early 1950s, the indigenous population of Taiwan numbered between 200,000 and 300,000[1].Belief in the native religious practices had already started to wane under Japanese rule, which clamped down on ritual headhunting, an important religious custom among certain tribes. This led to a greater openess towards Christianity. The large number of new missionaries and a growing interest in Catholicism among the native tribes meant that the Church could finally establish a lasting contact with the more remote tribes in the central mountain ranges and the eastern plains. The new missionary work was often characterized by mass movements of entire villages to enter the Church, such as 800 catechumens in three villages in the southeastern county of Taitung waiting to be baptized by the missionaries of Bethlehem. Sometimes “chance” encounters with the Catholic missions or Catholics proved to be providential, such as natives experiencing Catholic Mass while visiting the city or a fervent Catholic from the mainland sharing his faith with mountain tribes while attending to them as a medic.
Yet there
were also a number of obstacles the missionaries had to grapple with. The large
number of requests for missionaries meant that even the large influx of priests
and religious from the mainland was not enough to satisfy the demand. A system
was adopted by several missions through which a group of indigenous Formosans would be
sent to spend a month at a mission station where they would learn the most
important truths of the Faith, which they would then hand down to the people in
their villages. This offered the benefit of alleviating the lack of missionary
personnel, but at the same time posed the traditional danger of mistranslation
of theological concepts. Especially in the early 1950s, very few mainland
missionaries were familiar with the Formosan languages. Due to the Japanese
colonial period, the natives from 20 to 50 spoke Japanese fluently and there
were Japanese dictionaries for some Formosan languages. But this did not help
if their foreign missionary only spoke Mandarin or another Chinese language. Even
if missionaries who were new to Taiwan visited the villages and watched the native
catechist deliver his lessons using the large catechism posters common in the
Chinese missions, the missionaries could not know whether the terms were
correct or the delivery theologically sound. In one case, Fr. Castor Osorno,
O.P., a Spanish Dominican who spoke the Paiwan language, suggested using the
Japanese word akuma for devil or demon, as the islanders did not seem to
have an equivalent in their language. The catechists did not agree with such
usage, despite children showing fear when the word was uttered. In other
places, among the Tsou people for example, Japanese loanwords like Seilei (Holy
Spirit) were readily accepted as their own. This is just one example for the
complex theological and missiological questions the missionaries faced, not to
mention the need for a deep study of the customs of each tribe. Of this time
Fr. Jakob Hilber, SMB, a Swiss missionary in Taitung, wrote: “So we work here,
it would seem, against all rules of missiology, solely focused on bringing in
the rich harvest which the Lord gives so abundantly—the mission Hwalien, to
which Taitung belongs, has over 10,000 catechumens—in time.” The missionaries
not only struggled with the languages, the large workload, and missiological questions,
but at times had to face Taiwanese bureaucracy as well. Although Generalissimo
Chiang Kai-Shek favored the Catholic missions in general and even wished for
more missionaries for the indigenous tribes, access to the mountain tribes was
made difficult through the requirement of the so-called “mountain pass”. This
document gave outsiders access to the tribal areas but had to be renewed on a
regular basis with the authorities. The pass was handed out reluctantly,
especially when it came to the area of the Bunun tribe. The Swiss missionaries of
the SMB also faced a unique problem: the Swiss government had recognized the
Communist rule over the mainland early on, so the SMB missionaries were looked
upon with a certain suspicion by the authorities. Lists were required of all
attendees of the Christmas Mass at the mission, just as of any other meeting
held at the parishes. When given the opportunity, Fr. Hilber would confront
policemen who were following him so closely despite Taiwan having religious
freedom. When comparisons were drawn to mainland China, where religious freedom
only existed on paper, the authorities started to back off.
According to Fr. Ernst Böhm, 10,000 native Formosans entered the Catholic Church in the period from 1953 to 1966. Some also converted from Protestantism, especially Presbyterianism, to the Catholic faith. Interestingly, the argument of the antiquity of the Catholic Church seems to have been one of the main factors for Protestant Formosans to convert to Catholicism. The Catholic missionaries also tried to understand the aboriginal culture more deeply. Some members of the Tsou felt drawn to the Church when the Mayavsi feast was celebrated with a Mass instead of the offering to the spirits the pagans had made in times past. The Protestants had abolished the feast altogether, apparently not making an attempt of inculturation. Similar feasts of the Ami, the Saisiyat, and the Atayal were also “baptized”, while the Protestants rejected them in their entirety.
Since the
1970s, the Church in Taiwan has dealt with similar problems as in the West,
such as a rise of materialism and a decrease in missionary activity and fervor.
This of course also affected the indigenous Catholic population. In additon, it has been said that not all conversions during the “golden era” of the indigenous mission
were sincere or inspired by a true understand of the teachings of Catholicism. Yet there have
been clear signs of the indigenous mission reaching maturity, with dozens of
native priests serving the Church today, especially the Diocese of Hwalien. Some liturgical and biblical texts have been translated into Formosan languages, such as the Four Gosples in Tsou by Fr. Weber, SVD. The
consecration of two native bishops, Msgr. John-Baptist Tseng of the Puyuma
people in 1998, and more recently of Msgr. Norbert Pu, Bishop of Chiyai, in
2022, shows how the missions among Taiwan’s indigenous tribes has reached its
final stage of development, the implantation of the Church (plantatio
ecclesiae) through a native hierarchy.
The great movement of Taiwan's indigenous peoples towards the Church in the 1950s and 1960s was likened to a pentecost on a small scale. A number of factors such as a loss of belief in the ancestral religions and the great influx of missionaries from the Chinese mainland worked together providentially to create one of the most interesting times of recent missionary history. May it receive greater attention in future missiological studies.
Sources:
Ernst Böhm, SVD., “Missionserfolg auf Formosa – Warum?”,
Steyler Missionchronik 1967
Rudolf Frisch, SVD , “Gruß aus U-fung”, Steyler
Missionschronik 1963
Several
articles from “Die katholischen Missionen”, 1953–1954 and 1955–1957
UCA NEWS, “Bishop praises past missioners for preserving indigenous languages”
Missions
Etrangères de Paris, “Dans le diocèse catholique de Hualien,
dont 95 % des fidèles sont des aborigènes, le nouvel évêque reste un
Chinois Han”
Anton
Weber, SVD “Mission Experiences in Taiwan, with a Focus on the Indigenous
Tsou People”
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The Basilica of the Immaculate Conception in Wanchin (Source: Abzeronow) |
(Read Part I here)
The following centuries saw few missionary contacts with the island. A few decades after the Dutch had taken control over the Spanish missions, they were themselves ousted by the Chinese. The Jesuit Fr. Mailla was based on Taiwan from 1709 to 1718 as part of a larger effort to draw maps of all parts of the Chinese Empire, but it does not appear that he engaged in missionary activity vis-à-vis the natives. The Chinese increasingly settled the western plains, which led to the assimilation of the western tribes, who became known under the names Pepo (Chinese for “flat plains”) or Pepohoan (“savages of the plains”); the modern term Pingpu also means “plains”. Initially, the Chinese favored the natives through legislation as they feared an aboriginal uprising, but as the Chinese population increased, the Pingpu’s economic situation deteriorated. They could not compete with the Chinese, who used the island’s river system to irrigate their fields, doubling their crops compared to those of the Pingpu. At the same time, a deadly conflict started between the Chinese and the headhunting tribes of the mountain interior that lasted well into the 19th century.
On the
global stage, the Treaty of Whampoa of 1844 resulted in the theoretical
toleration of Christianity in the Chinese Empire. Fourteen years later, the
Treaty of Tianjin led to the opening of Chinese ports to foreign trade. As a
result, the Congregation de Propaganda Fide asked the Dominicans to return to
Taiwan. The Taiwanese mission was attached to the Apostolic Vicariate of Fujian
in southern China, which was staffed by missionaries of the Province of the
Holy Rosary based in Manila. The first two missionaries, again Spanish
Dominicans, to set foot on Taiwan again were Fr. Fernando Sáinz, a fiery and
optimistic Aragonian recently ordained, and Fr. Ángel Bofurull, a veteran of
the Fujian mission. They landed in the southern port of Takau (modern-day
Kaohsiung). Due to the difficulties of the trip, Fr. Bofurull decided to return
to the mainland for good, while Fr. Sáinz decided to man the mission alone with
the help of a group of Chinese catechists. The mission was dedicated to both
the Chinese and the native populations, but it soon became evident that the islander
population was more susceptible to missionary efforts. The Chinese of Taiwan,
especially the subgroup of the Hakka, were very attached to the worship of
local deities, an obstacle to missionary work which continued well into the 20th
century.
Fr. Sáinz decided
to start the new mission with two foundations. One was located in Qianjin (also
known as Chenkin) near Takau, the other in the interior some 40 miles from
Takau in the Makatao village of Wanchin (also called Wanjin, Bankim or
Bankimcheng in older sources). The villagers embraced the foreign missionary
and on Christmas of 1862, the first two catechumens received baptism in the
newly built church dedicated to the Immaculate Conception. The year 1862 also saw
the arrival of two further missionaries, Fr. Ándres Chinchón (later Vicar
Apostolic of Xiamen) and Fr. Miguel Limárquez. Chinchón established himself in Qianjin,
while Fr. Limárquez joined Sáinz in Wanchin. The mission in Wanchin would
thrive, but not without sufferings. The Chinese Hakkas of the place harassed
the native converts, a conflict that even led to Fr. Sáinz abduction in 1867.
He was released after a ransom payment had been made. Furthermore, an
earthquake destroyed the church in 1865. In 1866, natives set fire to the newly
built church, and more earthquakes followed. This did not dissuade the
Aragonian missionary, who forged plans to build a more stately and solid church
which could withstand earthquakes and attacks. Around 1865, he also endeavored
to make contact with the northern natives, who, it was reported, desired to
have missionaries of their own. There was some hope to discover hidden
Christians, just as it had happened in Nagasaki in the same year. A catechist
was sent to the north in 1866 and the first priests arrived in Jilong, the site
of the first Dominican mission in the 17th century, in 1868. Although
the Dominicans noted some customs that they interpreted as possibly being of
Catholic origin, they were not sure about their findings. Meanwhile, Sáinz had
to return to the Philippines in 1869 due to his failing health, having served
the Taiwanese mission in his pioneer role for a decade. The Jilong mission was
subsequently given up for the time being.
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"A Christian Pepohoan" |
The 1870s
started with the dedication of the new church of Wanchin on 20 February 1870.
The massive building was designed in the Filipino colonial style and still
stands to this day, having been elevated to the rank of a basilica by Pope John
Paul II in 1984. The well-established missions in the south, especially the
economically successful station at Qianjin, served as bases for missionary
expeditions to the mountain tribes in the center of the island. The Spanish
missionaries referred to these tribes generically as igorrotes, as they
shared some characteristics with the eponymous mountain people of Luzon in the Philippines,
who were also quite hostile to strangers. A mission was set up in Lo-chhu-chug
in 1873 and another in Tau-lak (modern-day Douliu) in 1875. Missionary work was
consolidated over the next two decades. In 1886, Fr. Francisco Herce reported
that the mission in Qianjin had some 250 faithful from the surrounding six
villages, while the church could fit 400. Around the same time, Wanjin had 535
faithful and the more recent mission Lo-chhu-chug, 147. Although the sources do
not tell us of the number of indigenous persons of each mission, they were
likely to form a majority, especially in Wanjin and Lo-chhu-chug, which were
indigenous villages.
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A group of "Igorrotes" |
Sources:
José Eugenio Borao Mateo, “Dominicos españoles en Taiwan
(1859-1960): Primer siglo de historia de la Iglesia Católica en la isla”
José Eugenio Borao Mateo, “Fernando Sáinz y el inicio del catolicismo
en Taiwán (1859-1869)”
Yao-Sung Hsiao,
“Restauración de las misiones católicas en Taiwán”
The Takao
Club, “Road to Bankimcheng”: https://www.takaoclub.com/bankim/road_to_bankimcheng.htm
![]() |
Members of the Bunun tribe in 1900 |
Traditionally,
Taiwan’s indigenous tribes speak one of the numerous Formosan languages, which
are often so distinct that even dialects of the same language are hardly
mutually intelligible. Before the contact with Christianity, the natives
followed animist beliefs, with some tribes practicing divination through bird
behavior. The Tao people of Orchid Island believed in a “master of heaven and
earth” called Simo-Rapoa, who has several deities under him. Some, like the
Amis, had flood myths. What appears to be a common factor in the belief system
of Taiwanese indigenous groups—irrespective of the belief in a supreme being—is
the belief in good and bad spirits.
Currently, most government-recognized tribes live in the central mountain rage or on the
rugged east coast of the island. The tribes of the western plains had been
heavily sinicized by the early 20th century and had given up their
distinct lifestyle, languages, and culture in favor of Chinese customs. They currently
do not receive special recognition from the Taiwanese government. In recent
decades, however, there has been a movement to achieve public recognition of
the Plains tribes.
By the 16th
century, Han Chinese fishermen and traders had established connections with the
population of Formosa, receiving deerskin, venison, and firewood in their
trades with the natives. Yet there were few Han Chinese who settled permanently
on the island. This changed when the Dutch East Indies Company gained control
over large parts of the southern, western, and eastern coasts of the island in
1624. Although the Spanish had considered Formosa a part of the Philippines and
hence Spanish territory since the late 16th century, it was not
until the siege of the port of Manila by the Dutch in the same year that the
Spaniards decided to also establish themselves in the northern half of the
island to prevent further Dutch attacks on the capital of the Philippines.
A Spanish
expedition was sent to Formosa on 8 February 1626, accompanied by six Dominican
missionaries. Among them was Fr. Bartolomé Martínez, who had made a short visit
to the island in 1618 and was enthusiastic about the missionary prospects,
especially since he saw Formosa as a link to the greater empires of China and
Japan. As the Dutch occupied the south of Formosa, the Spaniards had to find
another port in the north and decided on Jilong, naming their fort “San
Salvador”. The northern natives around Jilong, the Taparri and Kimaurri, were
well-connected throughout the aboriginal societies of the island due to their
trade in gold and sulfur. At the same time, they seem to have offered the most resistance
to the influx of Han Chinese settlers into their villages, with very few
Chinese settling among them compared to other tribes. As these two tribes spoke
a lingua franca that the Dominican Fr. Jacinto Esquivel called Baçay or Basay, they
are sometimes referred to collectively as Basay. When the Spaniards arrived at Jilong,
the Basay abandoned their villages and initially tried to prevent other tribes
from trading with the newcomers. Yet after some time, they offered to form an
alliance with the Spanish colonists against hostile tribes, taking advantage of
the advanced weaponry of the Europeans.
![]() |
A map showing the Spanish (green) and Dutch posessions (purple) in the 17th century |
The first missionary to live among the natives was Fr. Jacinto Esquivel, who had asked to stay with the Taparri in 1630. The tribe showed reluctance at first: the stranger who would not marry caused suspicion. But the prospect of Spanish military protection seems to have turned the Taparris’ opinion in his favor. Headhunting was widespread among Taiwan’s tribes and was considered a sign of courage, so one could never know when an attack would be launched from a neighboring village. The priest would also intervene with the Spanish authorities to have native captives freed. Upon seeing this, more villages started asking for priests. Fr. Esquivel laid a firm foundation for his mission and moved on to live with the Kimaurri, before he decided to focus on a group of tribal villages known as Senar near the Spanish fort at Danshui.
Catholicism soon gained
a foothold among more and more villages. The islanders appreciated the chant of
the friars and loved the statue of the Blessed Virgin that was carried in
procession into their villages. But old habits of intertribal warfare did not
die immediately. Such was the case when Fr. Francisco Váez told his Senar hosts
he would travel to the rival Pantaos who had desired a missionary. He took some
Senarians with him in the hope they could broker a peace, but his company
instead forged a plan to kill the missionary lest he benefit the enemy tribe.
When they shot their arrows at him, he addressed their leader with the words “Pila,
I come to teach you the law of God, and you kill me?” After this, the Senarians
fled from their villages. Fr. Váez’ successor, Fr. Luis Muro, obtained a
Spanish pardon for his confrere’s killer, but most of the tribe remained in
hiding. Trying to contact them, Fr. Muro was also ambushed and killed with
arrows. Just as had been the case with Fr. Vaez, the natives cut of his hands
and head. Following these events, the firm government of governor García Romero
saw great missionary successes, as missionaries could travel more safely now.
Fr. Teodoro Quirós, who would become the most veteran of the Taiwanese
missionaries and wrote a grammar of the language of the Tanchui people, reported
how he baptized hundreds and was not bothered during his travels as the
villagers feared the governor.
But doom befell the
mission when the Spanish authorities decided to abandon Formosa as a
colonization project. It did not proof to be a useful deterrent to Dutch
blockades and failed as a transshipment point between China and the Philippines.
Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera, the governor-general of the Philippines, argued in
1636 that most Formosan natives were hostile to Christianity and that the
relatively small number of Catholic islanders could be settled in the
Philippines instead once Formosa had been abandoned. The governor of Formosa, subordinate
to Hurtado de Corcuera, was to prepare the Spanish departure from the island.
This met with the resistance of the Dominican Provincial of Holy Rosary
Province in the Philippines, Fr. Diego Aduarte, and from Dominican missionaries
on Formosa, who accused the governor of playing into the hands of the
Protestants. In August of 1641, the Dutch together with their native allies attacked
the Spaniards at Jilong. Although they later withdrew, the attack that followed
exactly a year later would bring about the end of the Spanish rule over
northern Formosa. The Spanish colonizers who had married Formosan women brought
their wives and children to the Philippines, while the rest of the Formosan
Catholics seems to have stayed behind. It is reported that the Italian
Dominican Fr. Victorio Ricci visited Formosa in 1662, still finding the
Catholics fervent with some going to confession, yet this report seems doubtful
as he stated he went to Tainan, which is in the south of the island where no
Catholic mission had been established.
(Click here for Part II)
Sources:
José Eugenio Borao
Mateo, “The
Catholic Dominican Missionaries in Taiwan(1626-1642)”
José Eugenio Borao Mateo, “Dominicos españoles en Taiwan
(1859-1960): Primer siglo de historia de la Iglesia Católica en la isla”
Tonio Andrade, “How Taiwan Became Chinese. Dutch, Spanish, and Han Colonization in the Seventeenth Century”
[1] The Protestants undertook
missionary work in the Dutch possessions in the south at the same time.